ANGLO-SIKH WAR I (1845-46), resulting in the partial subjugation of the Sikh kingdom, was the outcome of British expansionism and the near-anarchical conditions that overtook the Lahore court after the death of Mahārājā Raṇjīt Siṅgh in June 1839. The English, by then firmly installed in Fīrozpur on the Sikh frontier, about 70 km from Lahore, the Sikh capital, were watching the happenings across the border with more than a neighbour's interest. The disorder that prevailed there promised them a good opportunity for direct intervention.

        Up to 1838, the British troops on the Sikh frontier had amounted to one regiment at Sabāthū in the hills and two at Ludhiāṇā, with six pieces of artillery, equalling in all about 2, 500 men. The total rose to 8, 000 during the time of Lord Auckland (1836-42) who increased the number of troops at Ludhiāṇā and created a new military post at Fīrozpur, which was actually part of Sikh dominions south of the Sutlej. British military preparations for a war with the Sikhs began seriously in 1843 when the new governor-general, Lord Ellenborough (1842-44), discussed with the Home government the possibilities of a military occupation of the Punjab. English and Indian infantry reinforcement began arriving at each of the frontier posts of Fīrozpur and Ludhiāṇā. Cavalry and artillery regiments moved up to Ambālā and Kasaulī. Works were in the process of erection around the magazine at Fīrozpur, and the fort at Ludhiāṇā began to be fortified. Plans for the construction of bridges over the rivers Mārkaṇḍā and Ghaggar were prepared, and a new road link to join Meerut and Ambālā was taken in hand. Exclusive of the newly constructed cantonments of Kasaulī and Shimlā, Ellenborough had been able to collect a force of 11, 639 men and 48 guns at Ambālā, Ludhiāṇā and Fīrozpur. "Everywhere, " wrote Lord Ellenborough, "we are trying to get things in order and especially to strengthen and equip the artillery with which the fight will be. " Seventy boats of thirty-five tons each, with the necessary equipments to bridge the Sutlej at any point, were under construction; fifty-six pontoons were on their way from Bombay for use in Sindh, and two steamers were being constructed to ply on the River Sutlej. "In November 1845, " he informed the Duke of Wellington, "the army will be equal to any operation. I should be sorry to have it called to the field sooner. "

        In July 1844, Lord Ellenborough was replaced by Lord Hardinge (1844-48), a Peninsula veteran, as governor-general of India. Hardinge further accelerated the process of strengthening the Sutlej frontier for a war with the Sikhs. The affable Colonel Richmond was replaced by the abrasive and belligerent Major-George Broadfoot as the political agent on the Punjab frontier. Lord Gough, the commander-in-chief, established his headquarters at Ambālā. In October 1844, the British military force on the frontier was 17, 000 infantry and 60 guns. Another 10, 000 troops were to be ready by the end of November. Fīrozpur's garrison strength under the command of Sir John Littler was raised to 7, 000; by January 1845, the total British force amounted to 20, 000 men and 60 guns. "We can collect, " Hardinge reported to the Home government, "33, 000 infantry, 6, 000 cavalry and 100 guns in six weeks. " In March additional British and Indian regiments were quietly moved to Fīrozpur, Ludhiāṇā and Ambālā. Field batteries of pounders with horses or bullocks to draw them, and 24 additional pieces of heavy ordnance were on their way to the frontier. In addition, 600 elephants to draw the battering train of 24-pounder batteries had reached Āgrā, and 7, 000 camels between Kānpur and the Sutlej were to move up in the summer to Fīrozpur, which was to be the concentration point for a forward offensive movement.

        Lord Hardinge, blamed unnecessarily by the Home government for inadequate military preparations for the first Sikh war, had, during the seventeen months between Ellenborough's departure and the commencement of hostilities with the Sikhs, increased the garrison strength at Fīrozpur from 4, 596 men and 12 guns to 10, 472 men and 24 guns; at Ambālā from 4, 113 men and 24 guns to 12, 972 men and 32 guns; at Ludhiāṇā from 3, 030 men and 12 guns to 7, 235 men and 12 guns, and at Meerut from 5, 573 men and 18 guns to 9, 844 men and 24 guns. The relevant strength of the advanced armies, including those at the hill stations of Sabāthū and Kasaulī, was raised from 24, 000 men and 66 guns to 45, 500 men and 98 guns. . These figures are based on official British papers, particularly Hardinge's private correspondence on Punjab affairs with his predecessor, Lord Ellenborough.

        In addition to the concentration of troops on the border, an elaborate supply depot was setup by the British at Bassīāṅ, near Rāikoṭ, in Ludhiāṇā district. The Lahore Darbār's vakils or representatives and newswriters in the cis-Sutlej region sent alarming reports of these large-scale British military movements across the border. The Sikhs were deeply wrought upon by these war preparations, especially by Broadfoot's acts of hostility. The rapid march in November 1845 of the governor-general towards the frontier and a report of Sir Charles Napier's speech in the Delhi Gazette saying that the British were going to war with the Sikhs filled Lahore with rumours of invasion. The Sikh ranks, alerted to the danger of a British offensive, started their own preparations. Yet the army pañches or regimental representatives, who had taken over the affairs of the Lahore forces into their own hands after the death of Wazīr Jawāhar Siṅgh, were at this time maintaining, according to George Campbell, a British civilian employed in the cis-Sutlej territory, Memoirs of My Indian Career, "wonderful order at Lahore. . . and almost puritanical discipline in the military republic. "

        However, the emergence of the army pañchāyats as a new centre of power greatly perturbed the British authority who termed it as "an unholy alliance between the republican army and the Darbar. " In this process the Sikh army had indeed been transformed. It had now assumed the role of the Khālsā. It worked through elected regimental committees, declaring that Gurū Gobind Siṅgh's ideal of the Sikh commonwealth had been revived, with the Sarbatt Khālsā or the Sikh Panth as a whole assuming all executive, military and civil authority in the State. The British decried this as "the dangerous military democracy of the Panchayat system, " in which "the soldiers were in a state of successful mutiny. "

        When the British agent made a reference to the Lahore Darbār about military preparations in the Punjab, it replied that they were only defensive measures to counter the designs of the British. The Darbār, on the other hand, asked for the return of the treasure estimated at over seventeen lakh of rupees the Lahore grandee Suchet Siṅgh Ḍogrā had left buried in Fīrozpur, the restoration of the village of Mauṛāṅ granted by Mahārājā Raṇjīt Siṅgh to one of his generals, Hukam Siṅgh Malvaī, but subsequently resumed by the ruler of Nābhā with the active connivance of the British, and free passage for the Punjab armed constabulary-a right that had been acknowledged by the British on paper but more often than not denied in practice. The British government rejected the Darbār's claims and severed diplomatic relations with it. The armies under Hugh Gough and Lord Hardinge began proceeding towards Fīrozpur. To forestall their joining those at Fīrozpur, the Sikh army began to cross the Sutlej on 11 December 1845 near Harīke Pattaṇ into its own territory on the other side of the river. The crossing over the Sutlej by Sikhs was made a pretext by the British for opening hostilities and on 13 December Governor-General Lord Hardinge issued a proclamation announcing war on the Sikhs. The declaration charged the State of Lahore with violation of the treaty of friendship of 1809 and justified British preparations as merely precautionary measures for the protection of the Sutlej frontier. The British simultaneously declared Sikh possessions on the left bank of the Sutlej forfeit.

        Hesitation and indecision marred Sikh military operations. Having crossed the Sutlej with five divisions, each 8, 000-12, 000 strong, an obvious strategy for them would have been to move forward. They did in a bold sweeping movement first encircle Fīrozpur, then held by Sir John Littler with only 7, 000 men, but withdrew without driving the advantage home and dispersed their armies in a wide semicircle from Harīke to Mudkī and thence to Ferozeshāh, 16 km southeast of Fīrozpur. The abandonment of Fīrozpur as a first target was the result of the treachery of the Sikh prime minister, Lāl Siṅgh, who was in treasonable communication with Captain Peter Nicholson, the assistant political agent of the British. He asked the tatter's advice and was told not to attack Fīrozpur. This instruction he followed seducing the Sikhs with an ingenious excuse that, instead of falling upon an easy prey, the Khālsā should exalt their fame by captivity or the death of the Lāṭ Sāhib (the governor-general) himself. A division precipitately moved towards Ludhiāṇā also remained inactive long enough to lose the benefit of the initiative. The Khālsā army had crossed the Sutlej borne on a wave of popular enthusiasm; it was equally matched if not superior to the British force. Its soldiers had the will and determination to fight or die, but not its commanders. There was no unity among them, and each of them seemed to act as he thought best. Drift was the policy deliberately adopted by them.

        On 18 December, the Sikhs came in touch with British army which arrived under Sir Hugh Gough, the commander-in-chief, from Ludhiāṇā. A battle took place at Mudkī, 32 km from Fīrozpur. Lāl Siṅgh, who headed the Sikh attack, deserted his army and fled the field when the Sikhs stood firm in their order, fighting in a resolute and determined manner. The leaderless Sikhs fought a grim hand-to-hand battle against the more numerous enemy led by the most experienced commanders in the world. The battle continued with unabated fury till midnight (and came thereafter to be known as "Midnight Mudki"). The Sikhs retired with a loss of 17 guns while the British suffered heavy causalities amounting to 872 killed and wounded, including Quartermaster-General Sir Robert Sale, Sir John McGaskill and Brigadier Boulton. Reinforcements were sent for from Ambālā, Meerut and Delhi. Lord Hardinge, unmindful of his superior position of governor-general, offered to become second-in-command to his commander-in-chief.

        The second action was fought three days later, on 21 December at Ferozeshāh, 16 km both from Mudkī and Fīrozpur. The governor-general and the commander-in-chief, assisted by reinforcements led by General Littler from Fīrozpur, made an attack upon the Sikhs who were awaiting them behind strong entrenchments. The British - 16, 700 men and 69 guns - tried to overrun the Sikhs in one massive cavalry, infantry and artillery onslaught, but the assault was stubbornly resisted. Sikhs' batteries fired with rapidity and precision. There was confusion in the ranks of the English and their position became increasingly critical. The growing darkness of the frosty winter night reduced them to sore straits. The battle of Ferozeshāh is regarded as one of the most fiercely contested battles fought by the British in India. During that "night of horrors, " the commander-in-chief acknowledged, "we were in a critical and perilous state. " Counsels of retreat and surrender were raised and despair struck the British camp. In the words of General Sir Hope Grant, Sir Henry Hardinge thought it was all up and gave his sword - a present from the Duke of Wellington - and which once belonged to Napoleon and his Star of the Bath to his son, with directions to proceed to Fīrozpur, remarking that "if the day were lost, he must fall. "

        Lāl Siṅgh and Tej Siṅgh again came to the rescue of the English. The former suddenly deserted the Khālsā army during the night and the latter the next morning (22 December) which enabled the British to turn defeat into victory. The British loss was again heavy, 694 killed and 1, 721 wounded. The number of casualties among officers was comparatively higher. The Sikhs lost about 2, 000 men and 73 pieces of artillery.

        A temporary cessation of hostilities followed the battle of Ferozeshāh. The English were not in a position to assume the offensive and waited for heavy guns and reinforcements to arrive from Delhi. Lāl Siṅgh and Tej Siṅgh allowed them the much needed respite inasmuch as they kept the Sikhs from recrossing the Sutlej. To induce desertions, Lord Hardinge issued a proclamation on the Christmas day inviting all natives of Hindustan to quit the service of the Sikh State on pain of forfeiting their property and to claim protection from the British government. The deserters were also offered liberal rewards and pensions.

        A Sikh sardār, Raṇjodh Siṅgh Majīṭhīā, crossed the Sutlej in force and was joined by Ajīt Siṅgh, of Lāḍvā, from the other side of the river. They marched towards Ludhīāṇā and burnt a portion of the cantonment. Sir Harry Smith (afterwards Governor of Cape Colony), who was sent to relieve Ludhiāṇā, marched eastwards from Fīrozpur, keeping a few miles away from the Sutlej. Raṇjodh Siṅgh Majīṭhīā harried Smith's column and, when Smith tried to make a detour at Baddovāl, attacked his rear with great vigour and captured his baggage train and stores (21 January). But Harry Smith retrieved his position a week later by inflicting a defeat on Raṇjodh Siṅgh Majīṭhīā and Ajīt Siṅgh, of Lāḍvā, (28 January).

        The last battle of the campaign took place on 10 February. To check the enemy advance on Lahore, a large portion of the Sikh army was entrenched in a horse-shoe curve on the Sutlej near the village of Sabhrāoṅ, under the command of Tej Siṅgh while the cavalry battalions and the dreaded ghoṛchaṛās under Lāl Siṅgh were a little higher up the river. Entrenchments at Sabhrāoṅ were on the left bank of the Sutlej with a pontoon bridge connecting them with their base camp. Their big guns were placed behind high embankments and consequently immobilized for offensive action. The infantry was also posted behind earthworks and could not, therefore, be deployed to harass the opponents.

        Early in February, the British received ample stores of ammunition from Delhi. Lāl Siṅgh had already passed on to the English officers the required clues for an effective assault. Gough and Hardinge now decided to make a frontal attack on Sabhrāoṅ and destroy the Darbār army at one blow. A heavy mist hung over the battlefield, enveloping both contending armies. As the sun broke through the mist, the Sikhs found themselves encircled between two horse-shoes: facing them were the British and behind them was the Sutlej, now in spate. After a preliminary artillery duel, British cavalry made a feint to check on the exact location of the Sikh guns. The cannonade was resumed, and in two hours British guns put the Darbār artillery out of action. Then the British charged Sikh entrenchments from three sides.

        Tej Siṅgh fled across the pontoon bridge as soon as the contest started and had it destroyed making reinforcement or return of Sikh soldiers impossible. Gulāb Siṅgh Ḍogrā stopped sending supplies and rations from Lahore. Lāl Siṅgh's ghoṛchaṛās did not put in their appearance at Sabhrāoṅ. In the midst of these treacheries, a Sikh warrior, Shām Siṅgh Aṭārīvālā, symbolizing the unflinching will of the Khālsā, vowed to fight unto the last and fall in battle rather than retire in defeat. He rallied the ranks depleted by desertions. His courage inspired the Sikhs to make a determined bid to save the day, but the odds were against them. Shām Siṅgh fell fighting in the foremost ranks along with his dauntless comrades. The British casualties at Sabhrāoṅ were 2, 403 killed ; the Sikhs lost 3, 125 men in the action and all their guns were either captured or abandoned in the river. Captain J. D. Cunningham, who was present as an additional aide-de-camp to the governor-general, describes the last scene of the battle vividly in his A History of the Sikhs:

        . . . although assailed on either side by squadrons of horse and battalions of foot, no Sikh offered to submit, and no disciple of Gurū Gobind Siṅgh asked for quarter. They everywhere showed a front to the victors, and stalked slowly and sullenly away, while many rushed singly forth to meet assured death by contending with a multitude. The victors looked with stolid wonderment upon the indomitable courage of the vanquished. . . .

        Lord Hugh Gough, the British commander-in-chief, under whose leadership the two Anglo-Sikh wars were fought, described Sabhrāoṅ as the Waterloo of India. Paying tribute to the gallantry of the Sikhs, he said :

        Policy precluded me publicly recording my sentiments on the splendid gallantry of our fallen foe, or to record

        the acts of heroism displayed, not only individually, but almost collectively, by the Sikh sardars and the army; and I declare were it not from a deep conviction that my country's good required the sacrifice, I could have wept to have witnessed the fearful slaughter of so devoted a body of men.

        Lord Hardinge, who saw the action, wrote:

        Few escaped; none, it may be said, surrendered. The Sikhs met their fate with the resignation which distinguishes their race.

        

         Two days after their victory at Sabhrāoṅ, British forces crossed the Sutlej and occupied Kasūr. The Lahore Darbār empowered Gulāb Siṅgh Ḍogrā, who had earlier come down to Lahore with regiments of hillmen, to negotiate a treaty of peace. The wily Gulāb Siṅgh first obtained assurances from the army pañches that they would agree to the terms he made and then tendered the submission of the Darbār to Lord Hardinge. The governor-general, realizing that the Sikhs were far from vanquished, forbore from immediate occupation of the country. By the terms imposed by the victorious British through the peace treaty of 9 March, the Lahore Darbār was compelled to give up Jalandhar Doāb, pay a war indemnity amounting to a million and a half sterling, reduce its army to 20, 000 infantry and 12, 000 cavalry, hand over all the guns used in the war and relinquish control of both banks of the Sutlej to the British. A further condition was added two days later on 11 March: the posting of a British unit in Lahore till the end of the year on payment of expenses. The Darbār was unable to pay the full war indemnity and ceded in lieu thereof the hill territories between the Beās and the Indus. Kashmīr was sold to Gulāb Siṅgh Ḍogrā for 75 lakh rupees. A week later, on 16 March, another treaty was signed at Amritsar recognizing him as Mahārājā of Jammū and Kashmīr. Although Mahārāṇī Jind Kaur continued to act as the regent and Rājā Lāl Siṅgh as wazīr of the minor Mahārājā Duleep Siṅgh, effective power had passed into the hands of the British resident, Colonel Henry Lawrence.

B. J. Hasrat